Green Tree City Case Study (Question 3 only) Assignment

Green Tree City Case Study (Question 3 only) - Assignment Example This entails ensuring good packing and entry for clients and all other users of the building. The accessibility of the building also ensures easy and quick evacuation and rescue operations in time of attacks as well as other disaster like fire and floods (National Research Council, 2001). This makes the accessibility of a building a main concern for owners as it forms a factor in elevating the number of people rescued during rescue operations and increases the building’s safety. The other concern for a building owner is ensuring the building is leased to known parties as a means of reducing chances of leasing arts of the building to terrorists who can cause bombings like in the case study. The person renting, therefore, has to provide documentation and a stated use for the building or art of the building leased. The main reason for this is that the owner has the authority in deciding the lease agreement, hence has the responsibility. The other concern of the owner entails limiting the points of entry to a building as a way to limit unauthorized access to the building. The measures for this include use of not less than eight feet fence along the perimeter, slowing of incoming vehicles through design of the road, use of high security lights protected by wire, to avoid tampering and improve lighting, and the use of anti-ram devices (U.S. Department Security & Federal Emergency Agency, 2013). The importance of these measures includes increased standoff protection against driving in with unwanted materials including bombs and explosives. Limiting access to ventilation system to only authorized personnel also reduces instances of using ventilation systems as channels to spread explosives by terrorists. The erection of electronic security detection devices in all doors and entrances to the building forms the other concern of the owner. Use of glass break censors and closed-circuit cameras surveillance is another securi ty

A Votre Sante Teaching Note Essay Example for Free

A Votre Sante Teaching Note Essay Additionally, the case questions require both quantitative and qualitative analyses of the business issues faced by AVS. AVS has been used in a graduate-level managerial accounting class for MBAs, and would be most appropriate for an advanced undergraduate or a graduate-level accounting or MBA course. The detail in the case is rich enough to support a variety of analyses. Alternative uses could be to have the student construct a cost of goods manufactured statement or a traditional financial statement, both of which reinforce the differences between product and period costs. Additionally, alternative decision analysis questions could be developed using the variable and fixed cost structures described in the case. Case question number two is only one example of a potential decision analysis question. The contribution margin income statement (Teaching Note Exhibit 1) is fairly straightforward, with the following concepts or calculations causing the most difficulty: The inclusion of liquor taxes and sales commissions in variable costs: These are both period expenses, but are clearly based upon the number of bottles sold, and therefore are included in the variable costs. Where to include the wine master expense: Since the wine master is paid according to number of blends, not number of bottles, this expense is listed as a fixed cost. Arguably, it could be listed as a variable cost, given that the cost will be based on the number of wines produced. As part of the discussion we will examine the rationale behind listing wine master as a fixed or a variable expense. Barrel expense: The case states that the barrels produce the equivalent of 40 cases of wine. A case of wine is post-fermentation/bottling and therefore after the 10% loss has occurred. The barrels contain the wine at the start of the process. Therefore, there have to be enough barrels to hold all the wine at the beginning of the process, not at the end. This factor results in 63 (62.5) barrels being required for the harvest2. Teaching Note Exhibit 1: Contribution Margin Income Statement Part b asks, â€Å"What is the maximum amount that AVS would pay to buy an additional pound of Chardonnay grapes?† There are three parts to calculating this answer: the benefit from the additional Chardonnay wine to be sold, the relevant costs related to producing this wine and the opportunity cost of not producing as much Blanc de Blanc wine. Teaching Note: Exhibit 2 displays the calculations relevant to this decision. Chardonnay regular wine requires a 2 to 1 mixture of Chardonnay and generic white grapes. Therefore, the 18,000 pounds of Chardonnay grapes will be combined with 9,000 pounds of generic white grapes. The 27,000 pounds of grapes will result in an additional 9,000 bottles of new Chardonnay regular wine being produced. However, it will also result in a 3,000-bottle decrease in the amount of Blanc de Blanc wine produced, since some generic grapes will now be used for the Chardonnay-regular wine. Recall that only Chardonnay wine is processed in barrels.

Effect of Communication on Practitioners and Service Users

Effect of Communication on Practitioners and Service Users Standing still enough to absorb the emotional impact of (service users) experiences is something that allows the movement hidden beneath the frozen state of psychological hypothermia to emerge in a tolerable way at the right time.† (Kohli, 2007, p. 180). This paper will address the relevance of Kohli’s statement above to the discussion on the effective communication with accompanied minors. The paper will first define the term â€Å"unaccompanied minors†. It will then provide a definition of communication, then identify and examine its main theoretical perspectives. The paper will unpack the meaning of Kholi’s quotation by advancing a discussion of the importance of timing when working with unaccompanied minors and the intricacies involved in navigating the sometimes harrowing and emotional experiences of unaccompanied minors. The paper will also examine the issue of silence and how this reflects a state of being frozen in time with unaccompanied minors and will interrogate methodologies for delving below these issues, in a timely manner while ensuring that the service feels safe revealing their often locked away emotions. All these factors will be examined in the context of how communication can impact both the practitioner and the service user and how managing each factor effectively is essential to unlocking hidden feelings, emotions and trauma from which unaccompanied minors may suffer. The paper will draw on contemporary literature to empirically ground its arguments. Both the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) and the United Nations Children Fund (UNICEF) defines unaccompanied as: â€Å"under 18 years of age or under a countrys legal age of majority, are separated from both parents, and are not with and being cared for by a guardian or other adult who by law or custom is responsible for them. This includes minors who are without any adult care, minors who are entirely on their own, minors who are with minor siblings but who, as a group, are unsupported by any adult responsible for them, and minors who are with informal foster families.† (United Nations: 2007) More recently, there have been a plethora of studies examining the psychosocial and day to day needs after they arrive in Western countries. Communication is said to be a difficult concept to pin down by way of definition because of its many complexities, forms and application to everything. For the purposes of this paper, the definition provided by Fiske (1990:2) that communication is â€Å"social interaction through messages†, provides a good starting point to examine the concept in relation to unaccompanied minors. Thompson (2003) contends that the social aspect of communication is vital to consider because individuals interact within a social space and the nature of this communication dictates the nature of a relationship or how that relationship develops or breaks down. Thompson (2003) navigates various theoretical model of communication by drawing on the work of other scholars. He identifies Shannon and Weaver’s 1949 definition of communication which locates 3 elements: The transmitter (person who starts communication), noise (the actual message communicated, and the receiver (the person who the message is communicated to). This definition has received ample criticism for oversimplifying a difficult concept wherein communication is not always transmitted by noise but also through silence and body language. In addressing these omissions, the semiotics model was advanced as an alternative. In this model, communication is described by Cobley (2001) as a form of semiosis which is concerned with the exchange of any messages whatsoever: from the molecular code and the immunological properties of cells all the way through to vocal sentences.† This definition introduces other aspects rather than the spoken word into the communication discourse and Miller (1973) articulates that â€Å"communication includes not only the study of spoken communication between people, but also the many kinds of unspoken communication that go on constantly when people interact.† In this respect, communication also encompasses culture, because culture determines shared norms and values, language and ultimately these norms affect how information is communicated or transmitted. Thompson (2003) draws on Pierre Bordieau’s concept of cultural capital based on the strength of power bases, to explain ho w culture and power can interact to determine how information is understood and communicated, because it informs the semantics of language and the formation of identity. The identification of language as a prominent variable in any communication discourse is inescapable because as Thompson (2003) states, language does not only reflect reality, but it also constructs reality. This fact is elucidated when certain words or actions communicate a task, or certain actions communicate joy, distress or uncertainty, as is postulated by the speech act theory. Similarly, identity is informed by cultural norms and values, and determines how individuals view themselves and how they relate to others. It is this connection between culture, identity, language and power which informs the foundations of the discussion on how practitioners can cut through the difficulties of intercultural communication barriers to assist usually traumatized unaccompanied minors. Intercultural communication skills in the social work discipline, is fraught with difficulties. Husbands (2000) maintains that the various biographical routes and stories of practitioners does interact in the social space of service users and can affect how information is communication based on how trust is fostered when communicating to service users that difference will be accepted and not judged. Kohli (2006) deftly describes the vulnerable unaccompanied child who arrives in a new country and who is reticent about divulging details to practitioners. He, alongside other scholars (Kohli and Mather: 2003; Beek and Schofield: 2004) observes that unaccompanied children often remain silent, or emotionally closed about their past. He writes that such children have usually been told over and over by others to remain quiet about themselves in order to keep safe. Kohli (2001, 2006, 2007) insists that it is imperative that social work practitioners gain skills that enable them to probe the past of unaccompanied asylum children, in order to truly understand their needs. Kohli recognizes that demands to meet targets faced by modern day practitioners, may interfere with the time they need to build trust and safely pry open the thoughts of unaccompanied minors. In light of this, the nature of their silence and the impact their experiences may have had on them must be explored, before addressing how social workers should â€Å"time† their intervention to open communication and prompt life histories from unaccompanied minors. The silence displayed by unaccompanied minors should not be immediately adjudged to be because they are hiding harmful secrets. In fact, scholars such as Finkenauer et al (2001), argues that the keeping of secrets are normal adolescence developmental characteristics. However, the literature on silences among refugee children often points to explanations of fear and the silencing effects of war on children. Psychological studies (Melzak: 1992) contend that children often bury extreme hurt, pain or loss in order to survive, some to the extent that they can forget some events or the sequence of events as a defense mechanism. The risk of acting out buried emotions in a harmful way, compels many practitioners and scholars to argue for methodologies to unlock these stories which according to Kohler’s quotation, presented at the beginning of this paper, may be in a â€Å"frozen state of psychological hypothermia†, wherein they are unable to communicate their hidden pain. Papad oupolos (2002) posits that this frozen state could be purposely imposed to assist in healing and may be necessary to allow affected children the space to reflect, make sense of and accept before being able to move on successfully. Kohli (2006) therefore views this silence as both â€Å"burdensome and protective†, and it requires a skillful practitioner to know when to encourage unaccompanied minors to open up. Krause (1997) and Rashid (1996) both warn against social workers rushing to conclusions about unaccompanied minors based on their cultural backgrounds and what is known about their country of origin. Focusing on organizational targets and not the clients needs first, may result in the practitioner missing the cultural contexts of the minors’ experiences, within specific times and risks simplifying complex information that may be transmitted without adequate reflection on the communication experience overtime. In order to determine when it is appropriate to prompt for hidden information or stories from unaccompanied minors, social workers must recognize that such children may be trying to be accepted within a new culture while suffering a loss from their own (Kohli and Mather: 2003). Therefore, social workers must be observant and reflective (Schà ¶n: 1987, 1983) to determine when a child is assimilated enough and trusting of the practitioner service user relationship to revea l any hidden stories of their past lives. Richman (1989) also reminds that many unaccompanied children are very resilient because of their experiences and they may be busy trying to figure out their next move, or how to survive within a new environment and culture, or thinking about their asylum status, than they are interested in reliving past experiences which do not in their estimation contribute to their present survival. Consequently, practitioners are encouraged to engage in â€Å"therapeutic witnessing† (Kohli and Mather: 2003) rather than feeling the need to wring past experiences from unaccompanied minors. In drawing on Blackwell and Melzak (2000), Kohli and Mather (2003: 206) states: â€Å"In essence, workers are asked not to become action orientated helpers in the face of ‘muck and bullets’, but stay still enough to bear the pain of listening to stories of great loss as they emerge at a pace manageable for the refugee.† While Kohli acknowledges that it is difficult for a practitioner to remain still and allow a â€Å"discovery by drip† process to unfold with the refugee, he maintains that it allows refugees to â€Å"exorcise their demons and ghosts in the process of self-recovery† (Kholi and Mathers: 2003). This does not diminish the level of practical support that workers should offer to refugees, in fact it is through assisting to order their lives, that they will also make sense of their past and be more willing or open to sharing information about themselves. However, if and when refugees begin to share their experiences, practitioners must be versed on skills to encourage such interaction and should also be cognizant of their own reactions and judgement which can also be communicated to the client nonverbally and affect the â€Å"drip† method of divulging information. It is to these issues which this paper now turns. Relationship based interaction between service users and practitioners remain central to the core value of social work and reflect its best practice. Holloway (2003) concurs with this view by asserting that conversations between practitioner and client dictate how the trust relationship is formed and how the worker is emboldened to assist the client. In this context, a discussion on emotional intelligence (EI) and its importance to the communication process is relevant. Morrison (2007) quotes Goleman’s 1996 definition of EI as â€Å"Being able to motivate oneself and persist in the face of frustrations; to control impulse and delay gratification; to regulate one’s moods and keep distress from swamping the ability to think; to empathize and to hope.† This delayed gratification is applicable to the need for social workers to allow unaccompanied minors the space to understand themselves and their new realities while making sense of their past. It requires great empa thy and being able to perceive and identifying feelings in the self and others. Morrison (2007) links emotional intelligence and successful social work as being able to be conscious of the self while establishing good communication channels with the refugee. Morrison advises that social workers must be in tuned with their own prejudices and assumptions because many vulnerable clients such as unaccompanied minors are used to reading body language and silent communication signs to determine whether they should trust individuals. Therefore practitioners must ensure that their methods of practice reinforce good communication values rather than downplay them. One of the first methodologies used by the social work practitioner is that of assessment. Assessment frameworks in the UK give little space for the exploration of histories (Morrison: 2007). Consequently, the emotions which compel youth behaviour is often not deeply understood from unaccompanied minors, especially since they may be silent and initially provide minimal normative sketches of their past. Accurate observation during assessment will take note of feelings which may hide deeper emotions and record the moments when these windows into the past were glimpsed or sensed. Much can also be gain by the observation that expression is void of emotion, as this may also be an indicator that the unaccompanied minor realize that communication certain emotions in their language may give the practitioner space to questions their past and they may be skilled at hiding such feelings in their language and tone. If information from the refugee is sparse and void of emotion, the practitioner s hould make extra effort to be reflective in practice to ensure that their own perceptions or impressions are not being transmitted to the client. Goleman et al (2002) articulates that there is a situation of dissonance when one party feels like the other is out of touch with their feelings. The Audit Commission’s 2006 report (p.66) into the treatment of unaccompanied children, demonstrates how practitioner bias can affect the level of treatment given to refugee children: â€Å"Many unaccompanied children have multiple needs because of their experiences of separation, loss and social dislocation . . . Yet in many cases they do not receive the same standard of care routinely afforded to indigenous children in need, even though their legal rights are identical.† Practitioners must therefore guard against treating unaccompanied minors as â€Å"another client†, because the literature identifies them as being particularly in tune to all forms of communication within the interaction process, and they use this as a guide on who, when and how to trust. A vital part of the assessment is the interviewing of the unaccompanied minor. Wilson and Powell (2001: 1) maintain that â€Å"a childs thinking is dependent on a number of factors including memory, conceptual development, emotional development and language formation.† They further assert that there are three aspects to remembering information: knowledge, sequencing and prioritizing. They contend that practitioners must seek to gain all three trough safe methods when interviewing and practice patience. It is important to note their guidance that a memory may not always be told in the right sequence, and be prioritized according to the present needs of the child or in the case of this paper – the unaccompanied minor. Furthermore, they remind us that a child’s memory may not be accurate, this could be deliberately so (as already explored by Kohli: 2006), and they argue that it is up to the interviewer to use a method of questioning when appropriate to maximize the accuracy of responses. The Achieving Best Evidence in Criminal Proceedings (2007) document which provided information on interviewing children stated that interviewers must approach the interview with an open mind and that enquiries should not increase the distress of a child by allowing them to reluctantly relive bad experiences. Similarly, the 1998 Cleveland Inquiry Report suggests that: All interviews should be conducted by a professional with child interview training; Interview questions should be open-ended; There should be one and no more than two interviews for the purpose of assessment and it should not be too long; the interview should be paced by the child not the adult among others and it is recommended that the both the police and the social worker (if necessary) interview the child at the same time. These guidelines ensure that the interview adopts a child-centered approach. Another method that is advised with unaccompanied children is the phased interview approach. The phased interview approach is structured in three parts: the introduction and initial rapport establishment, the free narrative section and questioning section where the child is given space to communicate, alongside being questioned, and the closure of the interview. It is important to prepare children for the interview, through pre-interview contact to lessen any stress which may arise from being fearful of the process. Children should get ample time to consider whether they wish to share their stories or keep them locked away. Furthermore, the skill to actively listen is paramount to a social work practitioner as it not only assists with accurately observing, but it assures the child that what they are saying is being heard (Wilson and Powell: 2001). To assist in accuracy, the interviewer should reflect back the child’s responses to them for affirmation of clarification paying particular attention to maintaining neutral body language and tone while doing so (Thompson: 20 02). However, Wilson and Powell (2001) maintain that if a term is not familiar to the interviewer or seems like slang, the interviewer should make every effort to clarify its meaning with the child in order to maximize accuracy and assist in avoiding possibilities of intercultural communication. Bradford (1994) further posits that the interviewer has the responsibility to ensure the validity of the communication process by pursuing the statement validity analysis (SVA). The SVA checks that the testimony contains no contradictions or logical inconsistencies, the abundance of details, the accuracy of contextual evidence which may be verifiable, the ability to reproduce conversations and interactions and the presence of complicated obstacles. However, Davies (2006) warns that while this tool may be useful, it is not a accurate fix, particularly in the case of silent children who may choose to withhold traumatic information (Kohli: 2006). Wilhelmy and Bull (1999) argues that the use of drawings within interviews with child by practitioners should be encouraged where appropriate because it also provides assurance to the child that the interviewer is child centered. If this method is used, the interviewer must be very observant that this method does not make the child uneasy. While drawing may presents many opportunities to further question the child, the practitioner must as Kholi’s quotation suggests be extremely patient to unlock information and allow the interview to be paced by the child, thereby giving them space to trust the interviewing process. A child’s comfort with drawing, ay actually provide an opening to more difficult or painful areas and care should be taken to note and protect the child’s wellbeing and level of distress when painful information is disclosed. The use of role play and storytelling also offers unique methodologies to social workers to assist children in disclosing pain ful information. Outside of the interview process, Chamberlain (2007) recounts the use of storytelling by the Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture to assist refugee children from war torn countries to unlock their deeply buried painful memories when they are ready. He quotes Sheila Melzack the centers consultant child and adolescent psychotherapist as saying: â€Å"Many are in a state of suspended animation because they do not know whether they will be forced to return home. We are trying to give them coping strategies to deal with all these issues. But instead of saying directly what they saw or did we deal with it through displacement. They can be extracted through stories which create safe arenas to talk about these issues.† Therefore, Chamberlain (2007) and Davis (1990) asserts that stories can be utilized as a therapeutic intervention method to assist unaccompanied children to recall incidents, not necessarily airing them, but developing coping strategies that assist in building resilience in a new environment. There are however, instances where unaccompanied children come from countries whose language differ from that of the receiving country. Gregory and Holloway (2005) maintain that language is used both to grant and restrict access to a society or organization. Chand (2005) identifies the lack of adequate interpreting and translation services within the UK social work sector. Chand’s research located many instance where the services of interpreters and translators were needed but they did not show, usually because of lack of resources, so they prioritise which cases they believe are more important such as more formal case conferences. Humphreys et al (1999) found that many interpreters left case conferences and assessment early, or that interviews or conferences may be rushed because of lack of resources. In light of the previous discussion on the need for social workers to be patient and allow unaccompanied minors to work through past recollections until they are in a space to s hare, this practice of rushing sessions to facilitate interpreters, is detrimental to the communication process between practitioner and the unaccompanied child and could discourage disclosure and engender trust issues. As was discussed earlier in the theoretical section of this paper, language is closely related to power and can be used to control and regulate discourses and effect social control, based on its ability to include or exclude. The client-practitioner relationship is one in which the practitioner asserts their professionalism and therefore must take great care that such imbalance of power is not misunderstood by the client or imposed on them to hinder effective communication (Gregory and Holloway: 2005). Unaccompanied children, who have suffered trauma are usually used to being victimized by relationships of power imbalances, and therefore the social worker must always recognize that the relationship with such individuals is aimed at building their resilience and capacity :to adjust to all or any part of their new environment. While keeping practice client focused, recent years have seen the introduction of numerous guidelines, new legislation and policy changes which require the adherence and commitment of the social work practitioner. Some critics (Young: 1999; Malin: 2000), debate that social work has become mediatory and managerial under modern day guidelines and stipulations which risk the developing of solid client-practitioner relationships and the development of trust. While Gregory and Holloway (2005) argue that the language of such guidelines can be interpreted as the social control of the social work profession which ultimately seeks to â€Å"fix† the meanings of grounded work with vulnerable clients to suit political agendas. Social workers must remain committed to the ethic of the profession and promote good social work values by ensuring that such language of control is not transferred from the managerial spheres to what Schà ¶n (1983) terms as the trenches of social work, that is, th e interpersonal communication with clients. It is this regard that social workers must be aware of the power of language in working with unaccompanied minors, and ensure that the practice language is not dominated by a controlling or power induced thrust, but recognizes the vulnerability of clients and their need to slowly build trust and thaw their emotions (Kohli: 2006, 2007). As with language, the relations between social work practitioners and other services, can directly affect relationship with unaccompanied minors and how they trust the professionalism of those who communicate to them that they care. The death of eight year-old Victoria Climbie presents an example of how the lack of effective communication between professional practitioners can result in harm, especially to children from foreign cultures. The Laming Report of 2003, an inquiry into Victoria’s death concluded that the young girl’s death could have been avoided if individual social workers, police officers, doctors and nurses who came into contact with the girl, had effectively responded to Victorias needs. The National Service Framework for Children and Young People (NSF) and the Common Assessment Framework (CAF), both strive to ensure the effective communication between service providers across sectors. Glenny (2005) states that: â€Å"a lot of inter-agency collaboration is not about collaborative activity as such, but about communicating effectively with regard to individual pieces of work , ensuring patchwork of individual effort in relation to a particular [case], made sense†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Ensuring proper communication between agencies when dealing with unaccompanied minors, is therefore essential to build trust in the client-practitioner relationship (Cross:2004) and to remove any doubts the minor may have that the capillaries of power that agencies appear to be, will work for their benefit and well being and not contribute to any further victimization they may have suffered. It is therefore conclusive to say that the issue of managing effective communication is absolutely essential to successful social work practice with unaccompanied minors. The paper navigated the theoretical intricacies of the concept of communication to highlight its broad nature and how culture, language, body language and even silence are powerful communication tools tapped into by both practitioner and the unaccompanied minor in establishing boundaries of trust. One of the most evident revelations of this paper, is the need for practitioners to practice patience to allow unaccompanied minors the space to unlock their hidden stories, while providing them with support for their daily needs. Furthermore, the issue of intercultural communication difficulties that lack of interpreting and translation resources can cause in fostering best practice with accompanied minors was explored and it was identified that despite the lack of resources, unaccompanied minors are better served when th ey are not rushed for their hidden experiences. Finally, the paper identified the how the language of managerial control within social work can hinder best practice, if control of power imbalance is communicated even non-verbally to unaccompanied minors, who are very attuned to detecting such relations in order to protect themselves. References Beek, M., Schofield, G. (2004) Providing a Secure Base in Long-term Foster Care. London, British Association for Adoption and Fostering. Bradford, R. (1994) developing an Objective Approach to Assessing Allegations of Sexual Abuse. Child Abuse Review, Vol. 3 (2), 93-106. Chamberlain, P. (2007) Tell it like it was. Young People Traumatised by Violence are Confronting their Past through Storytelling. Community Care, 5-11th April. Chand, A. (2005) Do You Speak English? Language Barriers in Child Protection Social Work with Minority Ethnic Families. British Journal of Social Work, Vol. 35, 807-821. Criminal Justice System (2007) Achieving Best Evidence in Criminal Proceedings. London: The Stationery Office. Cobley, P. (2001) The Routledge Companion to Semiotics and Linguistics. London: Routledge. Cross M. (2004) Children with Emotional and Behavioural Difficulties. London: Jessica Kingsley. Davis, N. (1990) Once Upon a Time: Therapeutic Stories. Nancy Davis Publications. Davis, G. (2006) Statement Validity Analysis: An Art or a Science? Commentary on Bradford. Child Abuse Review, Vol. 3 (2), 104-106. Finkenauer, C., Engels, R., Meeus, W. (2002) Keeping Secrets from Parents: Advantages and Disadvantages of Secrecy in Adolescence. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Vol. 31 (2), 123–136. Fiske, J. (1990) Introduction to Communication Studies. (2nd Edition). London: Routledge. Glenny, G. (2005) Riding the Dragon: Developing Inter-Agency Systems for Supporting Systems. Support for Learning, Vol. 20 (4), 167-175. Goleman, D., Boyatzis, R. and McKee, A. (2002) Primal Leadership, Boston: Harvard Business School Press. Gregory, M., Holloway, M. (2005) Language and the Shaping of Social Work. British Journal of Social Work, Vol. 35 (1), 37-53. Husbands, C. (2000) Recognising Diversity and Developing Skills: The Proper Role of Transcultural Communication. European Journal of Social Work, Vol. 3 (3), 225-234. Humphreys, C., Atkar, S., Baldwin, N. (1999) Discrimination in Child Protection Work: Recurring Themes in Work with Asian Families. Child and Family Social Work, Vol. 4, 283-291. Kohli, R.K.S. (2006) The Sound of Silence; Listening to What Asylum-seeking Children Say and do not Say. British Journal of Social Work, Vol. 36 (5), 707-721. Kohli, R. (2001) Social Work with Unaccompanied Asylum Seeking Young People. Forced Migration Review, Vol. 12 (1), 31–33. Kohli, R. (2000) Breaking the Silence. Professional Social Work, June 2002, 6–9. Krause, I.B. (1997) Therapy Across Cultures. London: Sage. Laming WH. (2003) The Victoria Climbià © Report. London: Stationery Office. Accessed on January 10, 2008 at: www.victoria-climbie-inquiry.org.uk/finreport/finreport.htm. Malin, N. (2000) Professional Boundaries and the Workplace. London: Routledge. Melzak, S. (1992) Secrecy, Privacy, Survival, Repressive Regimes, and Growing Up. London: Anna Freud Centre. Miller, G. (1973) Communication, Language and Meaning: Psychological Perspectives. New York: Basic Books. Morrison, T. (2007) Emotional Intelligence, Emotion and Social Work: Context, Characteristics, Complications and Contributions. British Journal of Social Work, Vol. 37 (2), 245-263. Papadopoulos, R. K. (ed.) (2002) Therapeutic Care for Refugees. No Place like Home, London: Karnac. Richman, N. (1998b) Looking Before and After: Refugees and Asylum Seekers in the West. In: P.J. Bracken C. Petty (Eds.) Rethinking the Trauma of War. London: Save the Children. Schà ¶n, D. (1987) Educating the Reflective Practitioner. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Schà ¶n, D. (1983) The Reflective Practitioner. New York: Basic Books. Thompson, N. (2003) Communication and Language. Hampshire: Palgrave. United Nations (2007), Report No. A/52/273. Report of the United High Commission for Refugees, Questions Relating to Refugees, Returnees and Displaced Persons and Humanitarian Questions: Assistance to Unaccompanied Refugee Minors. Accessed at: http://www.un.org/documents/ga/docs/52/plenary/a52-273.htm. Wilhelmy, R., Bull, R. (1999). Drawing to Remember: The Use of Visual Aids to Interview Child Witnesses. Practitioners’ Child Law Bulletin, 12, 66-69. Wilson C and Powell M (2001) A Guide to Interviewing Children. London: Routledge. Young, J. (1999) The Exclusive Society. London: Sage.

Ethics of Full Disclosure of Security Holes Essay -- Hackers Internet

Ethics of Full Disclosure of Security Holes Introduction Security breaches are making big headlines nowadays, and Microsoft is leading the charge. Its flagship operating systems and office suite are so bulky and complex, that it is impossible to be bug-free. The system administrators (the white hats) are up to their noses plugging all the holes from super hackers (the black hats). Yet they are also facing attack from another front – those that post vulnerabilities on the internet (the gray hats). The gray hats are hackers that find security vulnerabilities and post them on the internet, forcing system administrators to patch up the holes. Usually, they inform the vendor ahead of time. Then, if they deem the company is not taking them seriously, and malicious hackers will exploit the threat, they post it on a forum. Though acting in good faith, the ethics of full disclosure of security holes are in debate, including: how full disclosure can cause more harm then good, how long vendors should be allowed to fix the problem, and liabilities for posting on the internet. Issue 1: Full disclosure of security-related information can inflict more damage than good. You are showing people how to break into systems. The debate about vulnerability-disclosure policies involves two main parties. Researchers at security companies say they want to get their latest findings out quickly to hasten software makers' response to bugs. Software makers, on the other hand, say they aren't given enough time to deal with a problem, and that publicizing it simply alerts malicious hackers to an opportunity. There are super hackers out there who find security vulnerabilities, then write a script up on the internet, with one or two l... ...on't publish code, 17 Oct. 2001, CNet News.com, 11 Mar. 2004, 6. Lemos, Robert, Microsoft developers feel Windows pain, 7 Feb 2002, CNet News.com, 12 Mar. 2004, < http://news.com.com/2100-1001_3-832048.html> 7. Lemos, Robert, When is Hacking a Crime? 26 Sept 2002, ZDNetNews, 15 Mar. 2004, 8. Fried, Ina, Attack concerns slow Microsoft's pace, 16 Mar. 2004, CNet News.com, 16 March 2004, 9. Shankland, Stephen, Governements to See Windows Code, 14 Jan 2003, CNet News.com, 14 March 2004, 10. Lemos, Robert, New laws make hacking a black-and-white choice, 23 Sept 2002, CNet News.com, 14 March 2004,

Medical Marijuana: Reducing Spasticity in Multiple Sclerosis Patients E

Medical Marijuana: Reducing Spasticity in Multiple Sclerosis Patients What is Multiple Sclerosis? Multiple Sclerosis (MS) is a chronic inflammatory disease of the central nervous system. MS affects approximately 3.0 million people globally, with about 300,000 cases in the United States. Twice as many women as men have MS. The average ages for onset of MS is 20-40 years. In MS, cells in the immune system attack and destroy myelin, the fatty tissue surrounding nerve cells (http://www.phylomed.com/MS.html). Scar tissue replaces the myelin, interfering with the transmission of nerve signals and leading to numbness, fatigue, spasticity, loss of muscle control, and various other debilitating symptoms. There are four broad theories concerning the etiology of MS. The immune system, environment, viral infections, and genetics are possible factors attributed to the cause of MS (http://www.nmss.org/msinfo/cmsi/etiology.html). Although there are no cures for MS, this disease is not fatal. Advancements in technology and medicine enable people with MS to live 90-95% of the normal life span (Si bley, 12). What is Spasticity? Spasticity refers to an increase in muscle tone that causes muscle stiffness or spasms (Sibley, 105). There are two types of spasticity prevalent in people with MS: phasic spasms and a sustained increase in muscle tone. Phasic spasms sub-categorize into two types of spasticity: flexor and extensor. In flexor spasticity, the hips and knees of the person bend forward, due to tightening of the hamstrings. In extensor spasticity, the legs of the patient cross over at the ankles or lock together, with the hips and knees remaining rigid (http://www.nmss.org/msinfo/cmsi/spasticity.html). Spasms also occur less fre... ....M., Schonle, P.W., Conrad, B. Journal of Neurology, "Effect of Cannabinoids on Spasticity and Ataxia in Multiple Sclerosis." 1989; 236: pages 120-122. Petro, D.J., Ellenberger, C.E. Journal of Clinical Pharmacology, "Treatment of Human Spasticity with Delta-9-Tetrahydrocannabinol." 1981; 21: 413S-416S. Sibley, William A. (1996). Therapeutic Claims in Multiple Sclerosis: A Guide to Treatments (4th ed.). New York: Demos Vermande. Ungerleider, J.T., Andrysiak, Y., Fairbanks, L., Ellison, G.W., Myers, L.W. Advanced Alcohol Substance Abuse, "Delta-9-THC in the Treatment of Spasticity Associated with Multiple Sclerosis." 1988; 7 (1), 39-50. http://www.phylomed.com/MS.html http://www.nmss.org/msinfo/cmsi/etiology.html http://www.farmacy.org/prop215/apha.html http://www.marihemp.com/marimed.html http://www.marijuanamyths.com/med-myths.php3

East vs West :: Comparative, Rukmani and Kenny

In Nectar in a Sieve, Rukmani and Kenny highlight the differences in the two cultures, showing how the two cultures have different standards for relationships and how Westerners try to change suffering and poverty while Easterners accept it. As Rukmani points out to Kenny, â€Å"Have I not so much sense to see that you are not one of us? You live and work here†¦ but this is not your country† (Markandaya 106). Kenny and Rukmani are friends, but their different values on subservience in relationships and suffering cause them to butt heads during most of their conversations. Rukmani and Kenny’s conversations show how Easterners value respect and reverence, while Westerners put and emphasis on equality. After Kenny helps her conceive, Rukmani bends down to kiss Kenny’s feet, thinking she is showing respect. Kenny doesn’t like it: â€Å"He withdrew [his feet] quickly and told me to get up. ‘I am not your benefactor’† (Markandaya 32). Similarly, Rukmani is hesitant to ask about Kenny’s family because it is personal: â€Å"Of himself he did not speak†¦ I held my tongue, for I felt to ask would be to offend him† (Markandaya 33). Both of these events show how the two cultures misunderstand each other. Kenny doesn’t like when Rukmani kisses his shoes because he doesn’t feel above her, but she is just trying to be nice. And Rukmani doesn’t understand what will and won’t offend Kenny because her culture doesn’t encourage asking personal questions. Their conversations show more deeply how each culture views marital relationships. Rukmani only sees Kenny for her fertility problems when her husband won’t find out; she believes he will be angry (Markandaya 21). She also only takes Ira to Kenny when her husband leaves town: â€Å"I (Rukmani) waited all day [to see you]. My husband will be back soon and the I cannot come† (Markandaya 59). Though she subverts it, Rukmani is limited by her belief she cannot disobey her husband. Instead, since she doesn’t ask his permission, she can’t break his rules. Kenny scorns this, saying, â€Å"You people will never learn. It is pitiful to see your foolishness† (Markandaya 59). In Kenny’s country, women have rights. They can even divorce their husbands, as Kenny’s wife does. Rukmani fails to understand how this woman can leave her husband and wonders if it’s Kenny’s long absences. They discuss women’s role, Rukmani says, â₠¬Å"A woman’s place is with her husband† Kenny replies, â€Å"You simplify everything†¦ Your views are so limited it is impossible to explain to you† (Markandaya 106).

Samsung: Building a Great Brand

Samsung: Building a Great Brand Presented By: Michael Baccus, Marcial De Castro, Judith Dupin, Monica O’Neil, and Jose Santillan Marketing Management- MAR 3023-P80 October 5, 2011 Samsung grew its brand equity by 186 percent in just five years from 2000 to 2005. â€Å"Brand equity is the value of the brand name, its worth as an asset to the company. † (Marketing Principles, 2011, Module 6 p. 1). When new management came into the South Korean based firm, it scraped the all the various brand names that the company was selling low end electronics under, and consolidated by branding all of the company’s products as Samsung. Ten years later,Samsung is a force to be reckoned with to its competitors and a global brand name. However, the decision to only use the brand name Samsung is not the critical key to its success. Samsung has focused on innovation and product design to build its brand equity and it is working. Samsung implemented different innovative ways to inspir e and deliver great designs. The former chairman hired hundreds of new designers, implemented usability laboratories, and opened design centers around the world. The investment in product design, the progressive culture, and Samsung’s ability to step outside the box has all been invaluable in uilding a great brand. The critical activity in the process of Samsung’s transformation into a world- beating developer of new cell phone handset designs and other product line designs was its innovation with investment in product design and quality. Samsung built its brand into a superior brand by thinking and acting outside of the box. Instead of focusing on textbook product development funnels, it focused on more cutting edge methods such as the implementation design centers staffed with highly trained, creative, and skilled young designers and no bureaucracy to get in the way of design and innovation.According to Roll (2011), â€Å"Samsung has created a strong brand around in novation, cutting edge technology and world class design. † (para. 1). Samsung Chairman Lee Kun Hee concluded that â€Å"great design and innovation would be the way to build Samsung into a great global brand,† and he was correct (Marketing Principles, Module 6, p. 1). Instead of forming panels and hiring managers or more marketers to come up with new gimmicks, he hired hundreds of designers. The designers were from prestigious colleges of design and had an average age of just 33. The design force at Samsung multiplied y over 400% to over 400 designers in 10 years. This out of the take on product development allowed Samsung to transform its product line into world class. Competitors such as Sony have also followed in Samsung’s footsteps. According to Kunkel: â€Å"With nearly 250 industrial designers; graphic, packaging, and logotype designers; user- interface specialists and Web designers working in offices from Tokyo to San Francisco to Cologne, the Sony Desig n Center is responsible for nearly 2,000 new products, concepts, packaging schemes and design strategies every year, driving sales of products nd services totaling nearly $50 billion per year† (Product Description, para. 2). Although Sony also employs a lot of designers, Samsung still leads the industry in allowing their designs to inspire innovation. Samsung’s progressive culture of effective, efficient, and fast implementation is part of its advantage over competitors. According to the dynamic theory of competition presented in Marketing Principles (2011): â€Å"Suppliers with an insatiable improvement drive are more competitive. † â€Å"Suppliers who implement effectively, efficiently, and faster are more competitive. † (Module 1 p. 6).Samsung changes its product line three times as fast as its competition such as Motorola. Samsung has shown agility, according to Marketing Principles (2011) â€Å"†¦ i. e. the ability to implement change to change processes to introduce new technologies, new skills into the organization very quickly and effectively† (Module 1 p. 7). Change is managed very well at Samsung and they have lower manufacturing cost on top of their time to market being faster than that of competitors. Samsung avoids bureaucracy at its 24/7 design centers. Designers can work through problems without being delayed by non-productive orporate presentations and politics. Samsung has a constant focus on improvement and being faster and implementing the next innovation before the completion. Fackler (2006) explained, â€Å"†Our TVs are better,† Nobuyuki Oneda, Sony's chief financial officer, said in an interview earlier this year. †But Samsung's cash flow is amazing. It is hard to invest in and develop products† at the same pace as Samsung. † (para. 23). Samsung’s use of usability laboratories have been key in its market orientation skills and understanding the user interface. Sa msung does not follow the textbook best-practice of product development, which is idely now considered â€Å"yesterday’s best practice† in product development. According to Marketing Principles, Samsung uses concurrent engineering and fast prototyping in an around the clock approach to problem solving (Module 6 Case 2 p. 1). The traditional best practice only produces a success rate of 50 percent in product development. This out dated way of thinking is burdened with â€Å"gates†. These gates are where bureaucracy in an organization can delay forward movement of the product design. Samsung has â€Å"decentralized† and broke away from this way of development.It is actually criticized in the case study with the example of the use of Samsung’s design centers. Product development is free to develop in a creative environment without lawyers or other hold ups. Samsung has taken its out of the box approach and its investment in design and turned it into p rofits. As Marketing Principles explains, according to the current CEO of Samsung â€Å"we still have a lot of things to do before we are a great company. † (Module 6 Case 2 p. 2) With that approach and its constant drive to beat itself, The Samsung brand equity is likely to continue to grow. References:Marketing Principles. (2011). Portsmouth, NH: Backbone Press Frackler, M. (2006). Electronics company aims to create break-out product. The New York Times, p. C. 1. Kunkel, P. (1999, September 4). Product Description [Review of the book Digital Dreams: The Work of the Sony Design Center]. Amaonz. com. Retrieved from http://www. amazon. com/Digital-Dreams-Work-Design-Center/dp/0789302624 Roll, M. (2011). Samsung: Building brand equity through brand community. Venture Republic. Retrieved from http://www. venturerepublic. com/resources/Samsung_Building_brand_equity_through_brand_community. asp